Archive | June, 2012

Current Events: The End of Civilization As We Know It

We may be seeing the beginning of the end of the model for civilized governance that has dominated Western civilization since WWII. That model has been provision by the state of all or most of the needs of its people combined with the popular election of the government. Or, in other words, the welfare state plus democracy.

What we are seeing in Europe is that that model is inherently unsustainable. The concept of individual rights is the only standard for government action that puts an objective limit on what the government can do. The post-war leaders of Europe were completely ignorant of that standard. They adopted instead the principle that the primary function of government is to assure its citizens’ welfare. Since there is no limit in principle to the free benefits people would like to get from their government, politicians competed for their citizens’ votes by promising and providing more and more welfare. The political parties that promised the most benefits won the elections.

The desirability of welfare depends on not having to pay for it. People like the subsidies for milk, housing, student loans, health care and so forth, but they hate the taxes. Consequently, tax revenues have always lagged behind spending (the difference is the deficit). To make up the difference, governments sell their IOUs (government debt)—to their own citizens, to corporations, to private banks, to central banks, to foreign countries. Eventually the total debt grows so large, and the deficit grows so large, that holders of the debt begin to doubt that they will be repaid. Then it becomes harder and harder to sell the additional debt that is necessary to cover the deficit. The interest the government has to pay on its debt keeps rising to cover the rising risk, adding more and more to what the government will have to pay when its IOUs come due.

This seems to be the position Greece is in right now. Other European countries are giving or loaning Greece money to cover its deficit on the condition that Greece cut back on its welfare. But the citizens of Greece regard that welfare as a right and are rioting in the streets in protest. Several other European countries evidently are approaching the same crisis. The United States is not yet in crisis, but it has a one and a half trillion-dollar deficit (the government is borrowing 40¢ for every dollar it spends), a difference that cannot be sustained over time any more than Greece’s could be sustained.

There does not seem to be any other end to this process than some form of dictatorship. You cannot cut welfare as long as there are popular elections, so in the name of the country’s survival, popular elections will be first suspended, then suspended indefinitely. The United States will be the last to stumble down this road, but this is clearly the course we are on.

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THE LAW OF SUPPLY AND DEMAND AND WORKER MARKETS Part II M. Northrup Buechner

THE LAW OF SUPPLY AND DEMAND

AND WORKER MARKETS

Part II

M. Northrup Buechner

A series of essays elaborating Objective Economics: How Ayn Rand’s Philosophy Changes Everything about Economics by the author.

First, let us note that the national unemployment rate exceeding eight percent that we observe in the summer of 2012 is the consequence of an unfree economy. It is the consequence of government intervention in the economy, in literally countless ways. Minimum wage laws abound: there is a federal minimum wage and many states have their own minimum wage. The government legally protects labor unions, forcing employers to bargain with them, and forcing up the wage. In farm markets, the government has forced up prices with price supports and acreage controls. There are hundreds of thousands of other restrictions and controls whose cumulative effect we can only imagine.

However, to a certain extent, businessmen, employers, workers and farmers have adjusted to these controls. Minimum wages and the rest create inefficiencies. They waste labor, undermine the standard of living, and reduce economic growth. But they existed in the 1990s and the early 2000s in essentially the same form as today, and the unemployment rate was never eight percent.

By far the most important impositions on the current economy are the enormous uncertainties hanging over every investor in the form of the Health Care Law and Dodd Frank. Implementation of both of these laws has required bureaucrats to write thousands and thousands of new regulations, a process that is still going on. Some of these regulations have been announced to outcrys of horror and indignation by the victims. Some regulations have already been withdrawn. In others, the bureaucrats have remained adamant. No one can know what they have written; no one can predict what they will write; no one can predict what regulations ultimately will be enforced and on whom.

In addition, the new year is scheduled to bring with it a massive increase in taxes. The result is that banks and businesses and other potential investors are sitting on more than a trillion dollars which they are afraid to spend or invest.

There are other uncertainties in the world, in the summer of 2012, that are independent of the economic policies of the United States government: Islamic terrorism, the war in Afghanistan, the atrocities in Syria, Iran’s quest for nuclear weapons, China’s growing economic and military power, and the looming collapse of the European Economic Union. Of these, however, only the last might have a major economic impact on American businesses, and therefore may be counted as a lesser cause of our economic stagnation.

The primary cause is here, in the policies of the Obama administration. In principle, it is the same cause that stretched out the Great Depression for ten years: the fact that nobody knows, or can know, what the bureaucrats will do next. Consequently, every captain of industry is frozen in place, gripping his armrests, refusing to move until the unknowable reveals itself. This is why any significant economic progress until after the fall elections is unlikely.

What would the unemployment rate be if there were no government controls on worker markets? Who would be unemployed? We will take that up next.

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Part IX THE LAW OF SUPPLY AND DEMAND AND WORKER MARKETS By  M. Northrup Buechner

 

Part IX
THE LAW OF SUPPLY AND DEMAND
AND WORKER MARKETS
By  M. Northrup Buechner

A series of essays elaborating Objective Economics: How Ayn Rand’s Philosophy Changes Everything about Economics by the author.

In the preceding blog, I showed how the Law of Supply and Demand applies to rental housing. I showed that the fundamental affect of the law is the creation of a harmony of interests (Adam Smith’s term). From the widest perspective, the harmony of interests consists of the fact that in a free market, everyone is able to do what he wants to do provided that it is consistent with the going market price. If he wants to sell at that price, he is able to sell. If he wants to buy at that price, he is able to buy. If he wants to neither buy nor sell, he is able to do that. If he wants to both buy and sell, he is able to do that. This interpretation of the harmonies of a free market is wide enough to apply to every market. We saw last time that in the rental housing market, there are much narrower, but equally benevolent consequences.

Now we want to take up the market from which, on its face, the law of supply and demand seems to be completely excluded—where the supply never equals the demand—that is “labor markets.” In general, I avoid the term labor markets because in economics it is unavoidably associated with Karl Marx and his view of labor as consisting of the ability to move things by physical muscle power. Labor markets are markets for human work, the outstanding feature of which is thought. They are markets for workers, for producers, for thinkers and builders, for all the various capacities human beings have developed that contribute to the material means, ends, goals, welfare, and ultimately, the lives of other human beings. More concretely, these are the markets in which workers find jobs and are put to work. Let us call them worker markets.

To grasp the role of the law of supply and demand in worker markets, the primary fact we have to understand is the time it takes workers to find jobs. Even in a laissez-faire economy, it would not be true that every worker who resigns or is fired would immediately get another job. Like today, many workers would spend weeks or months (but not years) looking for jobs. The average time spent looking would be less under laissez-faire than it is today, for numerous obvious reasons, such as no unemployment compensation, union monopolies, and licensing restrictions. But there still would be a big difference between the time spent buying (for example) a toaster (or almost any other consumer item) and the time spent looking for work.

The quantity demanded tends to equal the quantity supplied of most goods and services partly because their purchase by customers usually takes very little time. If customers want more of a businessman’s product, they buy more, the businessman gears up to produce more, and shortly the quantity demanded again equals the quantity supplied. This sequence of events is precisely what does not happen when a worker loses his job.
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Part VIII THE LAW OF SUPPLY AND DEMAND AND RENTAL HOUSING

 

Part VIII
THE LAW OF SUPPLY AND DEMAND AND RENTAL HOUSING
by M. Northrup Buechner

A series of essays elaborating Objective Economics: How Ayn Rand’s Philosophy Changes Everything about Economics by the author.

Since my last blog was over a month ago, let me remind you of where we are. In the preceding blog, I showed how the Law of Supply and Demand can be applied to the whole economy if supply and demand are defined as simple, concrete quantities. Based on those definitions, I established a generalized tendency for supply to equal demand, if we allow enough time for businessmen to change their supply to meet the changes in demand for their products or services. Nevertheless, there are still all the cases I identified in Part II of this series, where there is no such tendency. How can we integrate those exceptions with Law of Supply and Demand defined in terms of concrete quantities?

Let us begin with the market for rental housing. This is not the most important exception identified in Part II, but it is the easiest to analyze. In Part II, I noted that, when there are no rent controls, the average vacancy rate in rental housing is about five percent. That is, in local housing markets, there usually are about five percent more apartments for rent than there are people renting apartments; that is, the supply routinely exceeds the demand by five percent. If 1000 consumers are renting 1000 units in a local market, there are another 50 units standing empty, advertised for rent in a local newspaper.

Since the price of rental housing is set by the owner/landlord, this situation appears puzzling at first glance. Why don’t landlords reduce their rents until the vacancy rate is zero? Why does the vacancy rate stop falling when it reaches five percent? The answer must be that, in the landlords’ judgment, any further reduction in rents would reduce their profits.

Suppose you have twenty identical units to rent, and 19 are rented for $2000 a month. Suppose also that to rent the twentieth unit, you estimate that you could ask $1850. Suppose further that you expect your other tenants would demand an equal price break when they see your ad in the local paper. Then you will end up renting 20 units @ $1850 for a total of $37,000 a month, versus the $38,000 a month you were making renting 19 units @ $2000. Note also that this case ignores the additional costs that may be associated with “no vacancies.” For example, you now have no place to put a family if a water pipe breaks in their apartment.

In fact, an average vacancy rate of five percent is proof that landlords do not find it in their interest to charge a rent at which every last apartment is rented. At the same time, the five percent vacancy rate creates a rental housing market that is geared to the interests of the renters. First, it means that at current rental prices, tenants are not easy to find. This means that the landlord’s current tenants are a value to the him and he does not want to lose them. When a tenant has a problem or a complaint, the landlord is eager to rectify it. At the same time, the five percent vacancy rate means that alternative apartments are easy to find. If a tenant is dissatisfied with his landlord’s service, or he wants to move to a larger (or a smaller) apartment for whatever reason, he  can find the apartment he wants.

This is the way the rental housing market works wherever it is allowed to work. Landlords and their tenants typically are friendly; they have no reason to hate each other; instead, each of them benefits from an exchange of values. Their interests are the same: the tenant wants to be happy in his apartment and the landlord wants him to be happy. The contrast with the relations between tenants and landlords under rent controls could not be more stark (see New York City).

But what about the law of supply and demand. The quantity of rental units available for rent (the supply) exceeds the quantity of rental units that people want to rent (the demand). How can we square that with the Law of Supply and Demand? We can square it by putting aside the meaning of the law that supply always equals demand. This traditional, very narrow interpretation of the law has vitiated the Law’s most important consequence.

In the rental housing market, it is normal for the quantity supplied to exceed the quantity demanded. But this condition is a virtue of the market for rental housing, a virtue created by the interaction of supply and demand—that is, when the demand for rental housing rises, landlords will raise their rents and construct more rental housing—while the vacancy rate continues to fluctuate around five percent. And vice versa for a decrease in demand.

The meaning of the Law of Supply and Demand—its value, virtue, and goal—is not that demand always equals supply. The meaning of the Law of Supply and Demand is that the market conditions (such as price, quality, service, etc.), whatever they are, in whatever market, reflect the facts of the market. The most prominent of these facts are supply and demand, and in reflecting those facts, the market generates a harmony of interests among all the market participants.

That harmony of interests is the overriding value the Law of Supply and Demand confers on a free economy. Usually it takes the form that supply equals demand, so that at the price the seller sets, the buyers can buy all they want to buy and the seller can make a profit. But sometimes, as in the case of rental housing, supply does not equal demand, and the harmony of interests arises nevertheless.

This note has reinterpreted the Law of Supply and Demand to mean that the Law creates a harmony of interests in every market. The most important exception to the traditional interpretation that supply always equals demand is the market for workers and employees. Workers routinely spend weeks, months and sometimes years looking for jobs. Can an economy’s labor markets be understood as an expression of the Law of Supply and Demand? I will take that up in my next blog.

P.S. The last several weeks have been exceptionally busy for me as I have been winding up the Spring semester, among many other things. In addition, this particular blog presents a major new insight which it has taken me a long time to figure out.

Now I am on a full year’s sabbatical, and I plan to publish this blog on a weekly basis. Thank you for your patience. I do not think you will have to wait so long again between messages. MNB

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